Islamist Wave 2015 - News & Discussion

10 posts

Angocachi

People held hostage by Al Qaeda in Iraq have related how they were put through mock executions... so it is probable that many in these videos were unsure if it waa really the moment or not.
On the otherhand IS executes people right upon capture as well. Sometimes they struggle and sometimes they don't.
Most people are calm

Angocachi

While the Taliban is launching a massive assault to seize the 1/3 Pashtun northern border province of Kunduz and now hold 2/3's of it, the Islamic State has set up a camp in Logar province near the Pakistani border in the heart of Pashtunistan.

Note they are flying the white Taliban flag alongside the black Islamic State flag. This is to say that they are still Taliban and it is as Taliban that they have become an Emirate of the Caliphate.
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They named their camp after Ustad Yasir,
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He was a Taliban commander killed in 2012 by the Pakistani ISI and/or rival Taliban.

Three photographs of the “Ustad Yasir” camp were obtained by journalist Saleem Mehsud and published on his Twitter account on April 18. The images were emailed to the Pakistani reporter, Mehsud told The Long War Journal .

Fourteen Islamic State fighters are shown in formation in two of the photos. The other image shows a pickup truck with a heavy machine gun mounted on the back moving through a creek.

The Ustad Yasir camp is run by the Sa’ad bin Abi Waqas Front and it is located in Logar province in eastern Afghanistan. The group was named after Sa’ad bin Abi Waqas, an al Qaeda emir in Kunar province who was killed by the US military in an airstrike on April 14, 2011. [See LWJ report, Al Qaeda’s commander for Kunar, several operatives killed in airstrike .]

The Sa’ad bin Abi Waqas Front is led by Sa’ad Emarati, a former commander in the Movement of the Taliban in Pakistan who defected to the Islamic State’s Khorasan Province last year along with other disaffected Taliban commanders from Afghanistan and Iraq. [See LWJ reports, Pakistani Taliban splinter group again pledges allegiance to Islamic State , Islamic State appoints leaders of ‘Khorasan province,’ issues veiled threat to Afghan Taliban , and Mapping the emergence of the Islamic State in Afghanistan .]

The name of the camp provides further evidence that the Islamic State’s Khorasan Province, which is situated in Afghanistan and Pakistan, is comprised of Taliban and other jihadist groups who have been marginalized by or are unhappy with the existing leaders of the Taliban on both sides of the border.

Ustad Yasir was one of 26 senior and mid-level Taliban leaders who were killed in a Taliban purge in 2012. Prior to being gunned down, he had served as the head of the Taliban’s Recruitment Council and was a key ideologue for the jihadist group. [See LWJ report, Afghan intel confirms death of senior Afghan Taliban leader, possibly 25 others .]

http://www.longwarjournal.org/archi...otes-training-camp-in-eastern-afghanistan.php

Angocachi
ISIS in Russia

Killings of leaders of the ongoing insurgency in Russia’s North Caucasus no longer make front page news in either Moscow or foreign capitals, and the recent violent death of Emirate Caucasus’ emir Aliskhab Kebekov is no exception. But regardless of whether such deadly news is buried in the inside pages or not, the North Caucasus insurgency, whose representatives not only regularly target “mainland Russia,” but also travel to fight in countries of the Greater Middle East and raise funds in Europe, won’t go away.

Few recall it today, but when the North Caucasus’ then most notorious warlord Shamil Basayev was blown to pieces in 2006, his violent death was thoroughly covered by media both in Russia and the West, with even business dailies like the Wall Street Journal running front-page stories. But nine years later, when Russian commandos killed the latest chief of the North Caucasian insurgency in Dagestan on April 20, Wall Street Journal didn’t even bother to report it . The New York Times ran a news agency report on the killing of Kebekov—whom the U.S. State Department has designated as terrorist, along with his organization , which serves as the umbrella organization for most of the North Caucasus’ jihadistnetworks. Neither were Russian editors particularly agitated by the news with Russia’s leading daily Kommersant running a short report on inside pages.

Such a lack of coverage may reflect the public’s fatigue with the low-intensity conflict that has been dragging on in the North Caucasus for more than a decade. It also shows how the gravity of the threat that North Caucasus’ jihadistnetworks pose has diminished in the eyes of the public, especially in the wake of the emergence of new challenges, such as the Islamic State, which both Russians and Americans now view as the main threat to their countries. This perception has been fueled by the North Caucasus-based terrorist networks’ failure to deliver on their threats to attack the Olympic Games in Sochi and the government’s claims that the overall number of terrorist acts registered in Russia declined by 30 percent in 2013 and then by another 50 percent in 2014.

But there’s a reason why Russia still ranks 11 in the list of countries with highest incidence of terrorism in the University of Maryland’s Global Terrorism Index-2014. The number of terrorist attacks may have diminished recently in Russia as federal authorities claim , but not a week goes by without a report of someone blown up or shot in the North Caucasus. Moreover, the 2014 index predicts that Russia may experience an increase in the incidence of terrorism. If continued, Russia’s ongoing economic woes may eventually impact the federal government’s ability to address some of the North Caucasus’ chronic socioeconomic ills that contribute to persistence of the North Caucasus insurgency. The dynamics of the latter will also be influenced by the outcome of the international efforts to dismantle the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. Should these efforts succeed, some of the 1,000 Russian-speaking jihadists that are currently fighting in the ranks of IS alone may head back home to continue their jihad in Russia and its neighbors. Should these efforts to prevent the rise of IS fail, it might just be a matter of time before leaders of this organization turn their gaze to the North Caucasus as they seek to revive the caliphate. It is worth recalling that one of IS’ leaders, an ethnic Chechen by the name of Tarkhan Batirashvili has already threatened to take jihad to Russia.

Paradoxically, Kebekov’s death may have increased opportunities for Batirashvili and his IS colleagues to expand its influence to the North Caucasus. Kebekov didn’t want the Emirate Caucasus to come under the sway of IS. He even fired then head of the Emirate Caucasus’ Dagestan branch Rustam Asilderov after he and several other Dagestani warlords pledged allegiance to the Islamic State last year. While disapproving of allegiance to IS, Kebekov had referred to Al Qaeda’s Ayman al Zawahiri as “ our leader .” One of Kebekov’s key allies and chief Sharia judge of Emirate Caucasus’ Dagestan Vilayat Magomed Suleimanov has also opposed alliance with IS and denounced those pledging loyalty to this organization. Long War Journal predicts it will be Suleimanov, who goes by his nom de guerre Muhammad Abu Usman, who will be the next emir of the Emirate Caucasus. However, it can not be ruled out that IS sympathizers may either gain the upper hand in the struggle for succession at the Emirate Caucasus or break away to set up an IS faction in the North Caucasus. Either would be a rather disquieting development, given the human and material resources that this organization commands and can, therefore, direct to the North Caucasus. It should also be noted that in addition to pursuing ties with Al Qaeda and IS, supporters of the Emirate Caucasus have also allegedly engaged in fundraising in Europe, according to longtime scholar of political violence in the North Caucasus Gordon Hahn .

The killing of Kebekov will, of course, cause some disruption of coordination within the Emirate Caucasus, but it is likely to be only temporary, as killings of his predecessors have demonstrated. Whoever succeeds Kebekov will carry on with the campaign of political violence regardless of whether he leans towards IS or Al Qaeda. As killings of Kebekov’s predecessors going as far back as Basayev demonstrate, networks in the North Caucasus have learned to adapt to such beheading by becoming more loosely organized and “leaderless” in the way they act. For this insurgency to diminish significantly, the Russian government needs to not only keep the implacables on the run and disrupting their ties with international terrorist organizations, but also to address factors that scholars of political violence in Russia believe to be driving insurgency in the North Caucasus. These factors include spread of militant Salafiya in the North Caucasus, abuses of the local population at hands of law-enforcers and disparity in living standards between residents of the North Caucasus and “mainland Russia.”

http://nationalinterest.org/feature/isis-the-move-russias-deadly-islamist-problem-12758

Antonius Blockhead
Angocachi
An American Fighting ISIS Is Convicted Sex Offender

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Presenting himself as a freedom-loving warrior, Michael Windecker has a shady past that’s much more disturbing than he initially let on.
In the small group of American volunteers battling ISIS alongside the Kurdish military in Iraq, “Mickey” is now an outcast. The ex-biker turned ISIS fighter is actually Michael Windecker, a convicted sex offender whose past has caught up to him, causing a rift with the other volunteers and a problem for his Kurdish Peshmerga commanders.

The Daily Beast previously reported on the Americans volunteering in Iraq. That article featured “Mickey” speaking about his frontline view of combat in Iraq but personal history was on his mind as well. “Look, we all have a past and I’m no different,” he said at the time. “I’m human. My criminal record back home has been cleared and I’ve served my time,” he told The Daily Beast.

But Windecker’s criminal record was more serious than he let on. His 28 arrests in Colorado include one conviction for third-degree sexual assault from 1994 when Mickey was 20. His victim was 14.

As “Mickey,” Windecker attracted fans. He, and other American fighters like him, give a stateside audience captivated by news of ISIS a clear image of the U.S. presence in a war where the military’s expanding commitment is harder to measure.

Compared to the airstrikes, political deals, and special operations troops who form the backbone of U.S. policy against ISIS, the handful of Americans in Iraq and Syria are highly visible. That doesn’t mean that the contributions of even the bravest and most altruistic volunteers actually amount to much. Windecker and other Westerners aren’t carrying the burden of fighting ISIS. That falls almost entirely to Kurds, Syrians, and Iraqis. Stories about the personal bravery of Americans, like Windecker’s or others offered by less compromised narrators, can confuse the starkness of a moral struggle against ISIS’s evil with the fate of a war that depends on a complicated tangle of alliances and interests and that shows no signs of ending soon.

The morning after the story featuring Mickey appeared in The Daily Beast, another American volunteer mentioned in the article contacted its author, Ford Sypher. “That Mickey character is a fraud,” Samuel Swann wrote to Sypher in a private note. Swann also called Windecker a “compulsive liar,” and said, “We knew something wasn’t right about him the first day.”

None of the Americans or Kurds who spoke with The Daily Beast about Windecker dispute his accounts of fighting ISIS. But several of the Americans said they had held him at a distance for weeks, suspicious of his past and worried by his reckless actions in combat.

Whatever his peers knew or suspected about Windecker, it didn’t surface when Sypher initially spoke with the other Americans fighting alongside the Kurdish Peshmerga and who have now cast him out. Swann was present when Windecker was interviewed by The Daily Beast but at the time did not express any doubts about his character. Neither did any of the other Westerners, mostly Americans, who spoke with The Daily Beast on the same day they saw Windecker being interviewed.

Confronted with the accusations against him, Windecker told The Daily Beast, “Anyone can go on the Colorado sex offender web site, but I have my paperwork to show my case is closed.”

That’s true. All 28 charges against Windecker are closed, according to a Colorado district court official. His arrests span 16 years. They range from domestic violence and weapons violations to the felony sexual assault charge, for which he was convicted and sentenced to two years. Windecker’s last arrest in Colorado was in 2010 for failing to register as a sex offender. He was fined $816.50 and sentenced to a year in jail.

General Tariq Hawleri, the Peshmerga commander who praised Windecker’s “ferocity” in battle when he first spoke to The Daily Beast, is more reserved now. “We were not aware of any criminal charges against Mickey,” Tariq said. “He is a volunteer and we thank him for volunteering, but we do not accept criminals. We will be looking into this.” Several of the other Americans who spoke with The Daily Beast about Windecker have already drawn their conclusions.

“Nobody wants him around at all,” Swann said. “We contemplated kicking his ass every day. Hope he goes to prison when he returns to the States. He’s a huge liability.”

Like the other Americans who have joined the Peshmerga, Windecker exists in a legal gray area. Secretary of State John Kerry has “the authority to revoke the passports” of any American citizen who travels to Syria to join armed groups.

In practice, the U.S. government is worried about jihadis returning to conduct terrorist attacks in the U.S., not the few dozen anti-ISIS crusaders like Windecker. But traveling to Iraq without the government’s protection forces volunteers like Windecker to rely on the Kurds who take them in, and perhaps most of all, on the trust and protection of the few Westerners who share their background. Windecker has lost that.

In every war, there are people who see opportunity. While other groups fight for conquest or survival, for people like Windecker, a far off battlefield can hold the promise of redemption or personal glory. Though that’s not how he described his motivations when he told The Daily Beast he traveled to Iraq, “for the people, nobody else. I’m here for all of those who want to live a peaceful life that has been deprived to them by ISIS.”

The only common trait among the Americans who have joined the war against ISIS is the large number who say they are veterans of the U.S. military. Windecker initially said he had served in the French Foreign Legion. But he backed off that claim, which was publicly disputed even at the time he made it, in a subsequent conversation with The Daily Beast. When asked to provide a, “direct yes, or no, regarding prior service in the [French Foreign] Legion,” Windecker became evasive saying, “Just put no on there I don’t need all my past issues jumping up.”

Even among the actual military veterans fighting ISIS there is no single explanation for what drew them there. Some may feel an obligation to the Kurdish people whom they bonded with on past deployments and see as staunch American allies now under threat. Others see a clash of civilizations or a biblical struggle between good and evil. There are war seekers, though hardly anyone admits to being a member, for whom a long peaceful American life sounds like a curse. And then there are those like Windecker who might have hoped that as “Mickey” the war in Iraq would allow him to escape or transform his past.

Last year, when Jordan Matson left Wisconsin to join the YPG, a Kurdish militia group battling ISIS in Syria, he became an early hero of the cause. Last September when photos of Matson began appearing publicly, he became a kind of heroic meme.

http://www.thedailybeast.com/articl...-fighting-isis-is-convicted-sex-offender.html
napoleonparttwo


This is an interesting video showing that passivity that guys are mentioning. Maybe it is the Shia acceptance of martyrdom or simple fear paralysis that causes the victims to act passively. The Shia militias are smart by not filming their summary sectarian executions.
Angocachi
It's not only a Muslim characteristic to be executed calmly, it's universal and timeless.
Many people say they'd fight or resist in a similar situation, but they likely wouldn't. If there's a logic to it then it might be that if you run or throw fists they're still going to shoot/stab/kill you anyhow... you might as well make it as painless as possible on yourself and cooperate.
That said, I did see ISIS conduct a night raid and take one of their captives around back. As soon as he realized they were taking him there to shoot him he started clumsily trying to get away... but they just manhandled him and pulled the trigger on him as he fumbled about in the grass and dirt.

Also, the Shia do film summary sectarian executions. The last one I saw was a Shia militia shooting an adolescent Sunni boy outside Tikrit. They distribute it between themselves whereas the Salafis advertise, with a few exceptions like Saddam Hussein's hanging by Sadrists.
Angocachi

Recently,
IS has beheaded 15 Houthi soldiers on video in Yemen.
The Saudi government has arrested 90 some suspects after IS killed 2 Saudi policemen and injured two others in Riyadh and planned an attack on the US embassy.
IS is in heavy fighting with FSA along the Lebanese and Golan border, and in Damascus.
Over 3,000 European Jihadists have joined IS in Syria & Iraq in the last 6 months according to the US military.
The Jordani government claims to have stopped hundreds from joining IS, and is arresting people for waving the black flag of IS.
IS has killed Jordani border guards.
The Israeli military has voiced concern that IS is gaining support in Southern Jordan.
Non-IS rebels in Syria keep capturing more and more towns, border posts, bases, etc from Assad.

Israeli media is alarmed that IS has set up on the Israeli-Syrian border and their mortar fire has hit Jewish territory.

"After foreign sources reported on Wednesday that the IDF began to increase its forces in the Golan Heights near the Syrian border, fears were rising on Thursday that Islamic State-linked fighters are nearing the area.

According to the reports, the reinforcements include Merkava tanks and armored personnel carriers. The defense establishment is following reports that one of the anti-Assad rebel groups has sworn allegiance to Islamic State and the same group is behind the "spillover" of mortar fire from the Syrian Golan into Israel in recent days.

The organization in question is Saraya al-Jihad (Jihad Brigades), who not only swore allegiance to Islamic State, but also succeeded in conquering the village of Qahtaniya near the border.

Pictures were published Thursday of Saraya al-Jihad fighters in the Syrian Golan Heights.

According to reports from Syria, the Sunni jihadist group has succeeded in establishing a base close to the border, just three kilometers from Kibbutz Ein Zivan in the Israeli Golan Heights. The possibility that light weapons fire that hit Israel on Wednesday came from the group's fighters is being investigated.

Israel is tracking the events beyond the border, but senior IDF officials claim that they have no intention of interfering in fighting between the various rebel groups and Assad's army. The belief is that no Syrian group or army is currently interested in acting against Israel, however in the defense establishment preparations have been made for the possibility that one of these groups openly turns their military efforts against Israel.

The IDF knows that the point recently conquered by Saraya al-Jihad was formerly in the hands of the al-Qaida-linked Nusra Front, whose operatives did not attempt to challenge the IDF. The estimate is that the mortar shells that landed in Israel on Tuesday were part of the Free Syrian Army and Nusra Front's efforts to reconquer the area.

The IDF's official response to reports that it was adding reinforcements to the area was that the army "does not respond to foreign reports," however the farmers and workers of Ein Zivan's fields, where the mortar shells landed in recent days, were instructed by the army to be alert. The order was given after a number of shells from light firearms crossed into Israel as a result of fighting between Syrian rebels and the army. Nobody was injured in the incident. After several minutes of fire from the Syrian Golan, the farmers were instructed to abandon their work and leave the fields until the fighting ceased.

However, a defense source downplayed the danger in the area, saying that the Golan enjoys "a pastoral life, a prosperous tourism industry and fruitful agriculture. With the exception of a few small events that Israel has control over, the situation is considered very stable," he said."
http://www.jpost.com/Arab-Israeli-C...al-to-ISIS-seen-near-the-Golan-Heights-400720

Angocachi
Marcus Fitz Nelson Van Alden

Here are a couple of golden articles for you guys. The first goes into the best detail I have seen to explain IS law and governance and is a must read. The second article is a wonderful explanation of current IS geopolitical strategy. Together they're brilliant.

Caliphate of Law

"On June 29, 2014, the Islamic State (also called ISIS) declared the “State of the Islamic Caliphate,” which adherents and supporters regard as nothing less than a restoration of the earliest model of the caliphate. Banners throughout the lands ruled by ISIS proclaim it the khilafa ʿala minhaj al-nubuwwa— or the “caliphate in the prophetic method”—that is, the model set out by Muhammad himself 1,400 years ago.
More remarked on by Western observers, of course, have been ISIS’ gruesome public beheadings, mass executions, immolations, and its slave markets and cryptic apocalyptic notions. Its spectacular and seemingly arbitrary violence has spawned an obsession with dramatic questions: Is ISIS truly “Islamic”? Or is it better compared to modern nihilists and exotic apocalyptic death cults?

Although such questions make for interesting thought experiments, they do not bring the world closer to understanding how ISIS governs tens of thousands of square miles and millions of people. Indeed, whatever ISIS believes about the apocalypse, it sees itself as creating a distinctive and authentic legal order for the here and now, one that is based not only on a literal (if selective) reading of early Islamic materials but also on a long-standing theory of statecraft and legal authority.

It isn’t surprising that ISIS makes claims derived from Islamic law or that a group controlling territory should enact lawlike structures of governance. After all, states are built on legal institutions that legitimize the regime’s monopoly on violence, resource extraction, and political authority. So what is ISIS actually doing and saying on the ground in the areas it controls? Ongoing research shows that ISIS is using Islamic law not simply to terrorize foreign hostages and non-Muslim groups, such as Christians or Yazidis , but also to establish a social contract with the Muslim population it aspires to govern. Despite suggestions that ISIS has “peaked” or is already in “decline,” its concern for establishing a law-based political order indicates that the group has aspirations for long-term governance—aspirations that should be taken seriously.

FOUNDING PRINCIPLES

ISIS aims to establish scrupulous legality for itself, from its very “constitutional” foundations to its narrowest public policies. This process, in fact, began up to a year before the declaration of the caliphate in a series of texts laying the groundwork for the future state, and it continues today with administrative guidelines for groups and individuals that wish to pledge allegiance to the caliphate. Allegiance ( bayʿa ) documents are frequently published online and reveal a consistency in language and substance.

Here, three points are worth noting. First, these texts aim to prove that Muslims have an unavoidable religious obligation not just to create any ordinary state governed by shariabut to restore the specific office of the caliphate. “Without the condition of the caliphate being realized,” ISIS clarified in its official public declaration of the caliphate , “all power is simply worldly kingship, domination and governance, accompanied by destruction, corruption, injustice, coercion and fear, and the degradation and decline of humans to the level of animals. This is the truth of the succession to God, for which God has created us.” Second, the group takes pains to justify the legality of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s own personal election to the office. The doctrinal basis for this was laid at least a year in advance, for example in the document Madd al-ayadi li-bayʿat al-Baghdadi ,” which was released July 22, 2013. That work describes the classical conditions of eligibility for the caliph and then outlines Baghdadi’s fulfillment of them. Finally, ISIS leaders appear bent on avoiding some of the problematic features of modern Islamic lawmaking—namely, the ubiquitous tendency to issue codes of law and formal constitutions. Instead, the group has refused to codify any but the most widely known Islamic legal rules in order to avoid the emulation of modern nation-states. For ISIS, God’s law can already be found in the primary texts of revelation (with some support from medieval scholars where necessary), and it is the job of worthy judges to enforce it.

Likewise, the caliph is seen as a custodian of divine law. His power is not portrayed as absolute, but he does have plenty of room to issue laws and policies. The system follows a classical Islamic theory of statecraft known as siyasa sharʿiyya . The term means “religiously legitimate governance,” but it implies more than just the application of formal sharia. Instead, it sets up a kind a dualistic model of law and governance. On the one hand, the system requires sharia courts for the application of Islamic legal rules in routine matters for which specific rules exist. But it recognizes that rules do not exist for every conceivable matter. And so the “ siyasa sharʿiyya ” theory posits that there are legitimate authorities—from market inspectors to military commanders and governors up to the caliph himself—that have the right to make lawlike decisions as long as those decisions are issued solely with the welfare ( maslaha ) of the Muslim community in mind and do not violate known laws.

Within the framework of this theory, ISIS has established both sharia courts for unexceptional Islamic rulings over civil and some criminal matters and other kinds of courts that deal with military discipline or complaints from the population, including grievances against ISIS fighters (many of whom have actually been punished after such complaints).



continued on next post...
Angocachi

"LAW AND ORDER


Within the siyasa sharʿiyya system, ISIS has been able to create rules and regulations to govern civilians, discipline its own fighters, and control territory. Such regulations often deal with matters that were not directly addressed by the revelatory texts (for example, fines for traffic violations). But they are ultimately anchored in an Islamic legal order nonetheless. For evidence, look to four of the most important areas of regulation—citizenship, land, trade, and war.


The ISIS legal system purports to establish a relationship between government and the people that is based on accountability and Islamic justice, according to which the caliph himself can be removed by the Shura council if he fails to fulfill his obligations.The theory of the caliphate implies a law-based social contract with reciprocal obligations and rights between the caliph and the people, whom ISIS calls “subjects” ( riʿaya , or simply “the Muslims”). The group issues a variety of rules and regulations designed to enforce those subjects’ compliance with their obligations. It also guarantees a limited number of legally enforceable rights—for example, the right to file complaints or charges against ISIS combatants or officials. As one propaganda brochure from Raqqa states , “The Islamic State is just and there is no distinction between a soldier and a Muslim [civilian]. In the shariacourts, all are held accountable and no one has immunity.” Additionally, ISIS claims that its subjects have the right to equal treatment before the law of God: “The people are as equal as the teeth of a comb. There is no difference the rich and the poor and the strong and the weak. The holder of a right has redress, and the grievance of an injured party will be answered.”


Different legal obligations apply to Muslims and non-Muslims. Christians and Jews are allowed to live and work in the caliphate in exchange for paying an annual tax , which in Iraq was recently set at a rate of four gold dinars for the wealthy, two dinars for middle-income, and one dinar for the poor. At the same time, ISIS has also developed legal justifications for the extermination of certain classes of non-Muslim minorities within the caliphate’s territory. Prior to the capture of Sinjar in Iraq, ISIS claims , its religious scholars conducted research on the Yazidis to determine whether they should legally be considered an unbelieving group “by origin” ( asli ) or one that was originally Muslim and only later apostatized. Ultimately, ISIS determined that the Yazidis were a polytheist group by origin and therefore concludes , “Unlike the Jews and Christians, there was no room for jizyah payment … and [the Yazidis] can only be given an ultimatum to repent or face the sword.”


Of course, all residents of the caliphate, whether Muslim or non-Muslim, are prohibited from engaging in criminal activity or other forms of misconduct. ISIS publishes specific guidelines for the punishment of crimes that are specifically defined in the Koran (known as “ hadd crimes”), but it also metes out discretionary punishments (“ taʿzir ”) for ones that are not. Based on data collected on ISIS courts and policing activities, we have identified three main categories of punishable crimes and misconduct: crimes threatening the state and public order, including espionage , treason , collaborating with foreign interests , embezzlement of public funds ; crimes against religion or public morality, including adultery , sodomy , blasphemy , apostasy , pornography , selling or consuming drugs and alcohol , and witchcraft ; and crimes or torts against particular individuals, which include theft , burglary , home invasion , rape , armed robbery , and murder .


In addition to rules regulating subjects’ behavior, ISIS issues rules designed to expand the population and socialize children with Islamic values. Such regulations include mandatory education through the ninth grade (girls and boys are educated in different schools) and prohibitions on the use of birth control . These rules are generally oriented toward increasing the population of the caliphate and producing obedient subjects who can be easily governed and conscripted as fighters.


In terms of land laws, establishing a legal basis for territorial conquest is important to ISIS for both ideological and practical reasons. First, on an ideological level, ISIS purports to be reclaiming lands that were unlawfully expropriated from Muslims by Crusaders and colonial powers. It needs a legal foundation to justify those claims.


Second, on a practical level, ISIS is attempting to establish territorial control under conditions of war in which land rights are at best uncertain and at worst a subject of violent conflict. It is impossible to govern such contested territory without a legitimate claim to sovereignty and rules for property ownership and land use.


Accordingly, ISIS has articulated elaborate rules for property and land. For example, it has laws for the seizure of war booty , stating that jihadists should take only what is necessary to advance the objectives of jihad. ISIS has also issued a fatwa justifying the expropriation of agricultural businesses that previously belonged to apostates before the group captured them, and additional regulations for the distribution of such confiscated property as charity for the poor and to recruits. One propaganda magazine illustrates the importance of property as an incentive for recruitment: “Do not worry about money or accommodations for yourself and your family. There are plenty of homes and resources to cover you and your family.” Meanwhile, ISIS has also attempted to regulate agriculture and environmental protection. For example, a recent announcement from Deir ez-Zor in Syria prohibits fishermen from using electrical current, poison, or dynamite to kill fish, out of concern that such methods cause congenital defects in minnows and are also detrimental to the health of human consumers.


In terms of trade law,ISIS makes clear that the preferred vocation for subjects is jihad and that it frowns on peaceful alternatives such as farming. Propaganda advises Muslims to earn a living “by performing jihād and then taking from the agriculture of his kāfir enemies, not by dedicating his life to agriculture like his enemies do.” However, in recognition of the reality that the caliphate’s economy will rely on other forms of productive work, the group has developed rules to regulate labor and commerce. It requires fighters who “abandon jihad and work to improve their wealth and land” to pay taxes that will further the fight. Taxation is thus a justification for otherwise impermissible forms of commerce, and it also serves to reinforce the concept of a social contract in which residents of the caliphate perform obligations in exchange for assurances of accountable government and legally enforceable rights. In some places, the group taxes at a rate of 2.5 percent on real estate , clothing , food , vehicles , and more. In addition, ISIS sets prices for housing rents , medications sold at pharmacies, and childbirth operations performed in its hospitals, and has even issued a fatwa requiring that the price of counterfeit goods be lower than the price of the authentic product.


Finally, there are the rules related to war. Here, ISIS claims to follow Islamic laws of armed conflict. And, according to ISIS propaganda, the caliph is personally obligated to ensure combatants’ compliance with them: “The leader is required to ensure that he and his soldiers are held responsible for the rights that Allah has made obligatory and the limits that He has set.” ISIS has published guidelines, either as official fatwas or legal opinions authored by ISIS-affiliated clerics, specifying the conditions under which enemy combatants may be targeted, tortured, mutilated , or killed as well as rules governing the ransom of non-Muslim hostages. So ISIS can claim that its combatants are acting lawfully according to the group’s own rules, even though the United Nations has reported that “ISIS is violating binding international humanitarian law.” ISIS also has laws for the provision of security guarantees , called “ aman documents,” for journalists and humanitarian workers seeking access to ISIS-controlled areas. Rules for the treatment of prisoners and slaves do include certain limitations, such as a prohibition on separating a mother from her young children, but they also permit sexual slavery as a legally permissible alternative to adultery. ISIS also regulates and censors fighters’ communication through, for example, a decree that prohibits combatants from publishing photographs of enemies killed in battle and a ban on using Apple products and other GPS-enabled devices that, ISIS leaders worry, the U.S.-led coalition could use to help target airstrikes."

continued on next post...

Angocachi

COURT ORDER


ISIS enforces its rules and regulations through its internal security sector and two separate police units. One of the police forces, called the “Islamic police,” is responsible for ordinary law enforcement and public safety. Its responsibilities include conducting inspections at checkpoints and issuing tickets for traffic violations. According to ISIS propaganda, this force contains legal specialists who report to a senior jurist, who in turn serves as a direct link to judges in the courts. When dealing with interpersonal disputes, such jurists will first attempt to resolve the conflict through informal mediation. But if mediation fails, the jurist can refer the dispute to an ISIS court.


The second police force is a religious morals unit called the “ hisba. ” The mandate of this body is to “promote virtue and prevent vice to dry up sources of evil, prevent the manifestation of disobedience, and urge Muslims toward well-being.” Activities include enforcing the prohibition on commercial activity during prayer time, responding to reports of drug or alcohol use, and destroying banned materials (including musical instruments, cigarettes, or polytheistic idols). The religious police are also responsible for investigating alleged violations of sharia and may refer more serious crimes to courts.


ISIS has established official courts in Syria, Iraq, and Libya, and proto-courts are reportedly operating in the recently annexed Sinai province as well as border areas of Lebanon . Although ISIS claims to control territory in parts of Algeria and Nigeria through its annexation of other jihadist groups (Jund al-Khilafah and Boko Haram) that have pledged allegiance, courts have not been established in these areas—yet. But as ISIS begins to communicate instructions and guidance to its distant franchises, these groups may come under pressure to establish the kinds of legal and judicial institutions that characterize ISIS governance in Syria and Iraq.


In general, the ISIS judiciary is organized into three main branches: a division for complaints ( mazalim ), including grievances against ISIS public officials and combatants; Islamic courts, including the Supreme Islamic Court located in Mosul, which deals with violations of ISIS laws and government matters; and the Diwan al-Hisba , which adjudicates crimes or misconduct referred by the morality police.


ISIS regulates its judiciary through a top-down bureaucratic chain that starts with the Sharia Council, which is headed by Baghdadi himself. Under the authority of the Sharia Council, each wali (the governor of a regional administrative division called a wilay a) oversees a shariadeputy who in turn supervises the wilaya -level shariacommission. The shariacommissions ( hayʾat al-shari‘a ) are responsible for overseeing courts and the work of judges. ISIS disciplines and even executes its own judges when they refuse to support the caliphate’s official position on legal questions. For example, one judge was removed from his post and is expected to face trial for voicing opposition to the legal ruling justifying the immolation of a Jordanian pilot. Another ISIS judge was “disappeared” in Deir ez-Zor after he objected to the torture of prisoners in ISIS jails. Still others have been executed on charges of treason and collaborating with foreign governments.


In addition to punishing its own judges, ISIS has executed independent jurists when they issue unauthorized fatwas that are deemed too radical. For example, in one case, ISIS executed one such jurist after convicting him of spreading fitna (strife or discord) by advocating excessive “takfīr” of other Muslim jihadists ( takfir , in Islamic law, is the practice of declaring someone to be an apostate and therefore a legitimate target for killing).


ISIS operates numerous prisons in connection with its court system. Although precise statistics are not available, Amnesty International reported in December 2013 that ISIS was operating at least seven detention facilities in Raqqa and Aleppo provinces alone. One of the functions of these prisons is to rehabilitate criminals for eventual reintegration into society; ISIS employs clerics in prisons to visit with and educate the inmates. Although the organization claims to guarantee certain rights for detainees, including a pretrial detention limit of seven days before the accused person is entitled to a court hearing, reports of arbitrary arrests and torture in prisons are widespread, and in some ISIS-controlled areas, civilians have staged protests to demand the release of detainees.


LAWFARE


It is too early to tell how long the caliphate will last, but its radicalism—the group’s effort to base its authority on what it thinks is the “prophetic method”—seems more easy to sustain in times of war and emergency. In peacetime, ISIS would have only two paths: first (and more likely), it could move toward the increasingly arbitrary corrupt rule of warlords governing an impoverished and enclosed territory; and second, it could become an increasingly “normal” state, in which the simplicity of rules and institutions plucked out of early Islamic history gives way to bureaucratic administration and positive law.


For now, ISIS’ ideas have filled a hole both in governance in Iraq and Syria and in the global Salafi-jihadist political imagination. In the long run, the ISIS legacy will be not only its gruesome record of sadistic violence but also its profound challenge to existing Islamist thinking. It is a rebuttal to the long-standing Islamist view that modern, centralized states can be “Islamized” within their existing institutions merely by substituting codified positive laws with codified “Islamic” laws. It also contravenes the al Qaeda–style strategy of spectacular violence directed at Western and Muslim targets without long-term governance of territory in which Muslims are the majority. It would not be surprising if ISIS’ legal strategy enhances its own global prestige at the expense of al Qaeda and gives inspiration to groups seeking to govern immediately over whatever territories they manage to seize by establishing shariacourts, hisba patrols, and military and administrative courts. Authority in these territories can be ratified after the fact as “delegated” from the caliph in Mosul. In the end, victory in the jihadist imagination will look less and less like the glorious toppling of dictators in national capitals such as Amman, Cairo, and Rabat, and more and more like the declaration of liberated wilayat until those isolated patches are woven into a single mantle covering the entire ummah ."


https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/syria/2015-04-15/caliphate-law