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Zoroaster [OP]

2003-08-23 03:04 | User Profile

[url=http://www.sojo.net/index.cfm?action=magazine.article&issue=soj0309&article=030910]http://www.sojo.net/index.cfm?action=magaz...&article=030910[/url]

Dangerous Religion

George W. Bush's theology of empire. by Jim Wallis

Religion is the most dangerous energy source known to humankind. The moment a person (or government or religion or organization) is convinced that God is either ordering or sanctioning a cause or project, anything goes. The history, worldwide, of religion-fueled hate, killing, and oppression is staggering. —Eugene Peterson (from the introduction to the book of Amos in the Bible paraphrase The Message)

"The military victory in Iraq seems to have confirmed a new world order," Joseph Nye, dean of Harvard's Kennedy School of Government, wrote recently in The Washington Post. "Not since Rome has one nation loomed so large above the others. Indeed, the word 'empire' has come out of the closet."

The use of the word "empire" in relation to American power in the world was once controversial, often restricted to left-wing critiques of U.S. hegemony. But now, on op-ed pages and in the nation's political discourse, the concepts of empire, and even the phrase "Pax Americana," are increasingly referred to in unapologetic ways.

William Kristol, editor of the influential Weekly Standard, admits the aspiration to empire. "If people want to say we're an imperial power, fine," Kristol wrote. Kristol is chair of the Project for the New American Century, a group of conservative political figures that began in 1997 to chart a much more aggressive American foreign policy (see Project for a New American Empire). The Project's papers lay out the vision of an "American peace" based on "unquestioned U.S. military pre-eminence." These imperial visionaries write, "America's grand strategy should aim to preserve and extend this advantageous position as far into the future as possible." It is imperative, in their view, for the United States to "accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles." That, indeed, is empire.

There is nothing secret about all this; on the contrary, the views and plans of these powerful men have been quite open. These are Far Right American political leaders and commentators who ascended to governing power and, after the trauma of Sept. 11, 2001, have been emboldened to carry out their agenda.

In the run-up to the war with Iraq, Kristol told me that Europe was now unfit to lead because it was "corrupted by secularism," as was the developing world, which was "corrupted by poverty." Only the United States could provide the "moral framework" to govern a new world order, according to Kristol, who recently and candidly wrote, "Well, what is wrong with dominance, in the service of sound principles and high ideals?" Whose ideals? The American right wing's definition of "American ideals," presumably.

Bush Adds God

To this aggressive extension of American power in the world, President George W. Bush adds God—and that changes the picture dramatically. It's one thing for a nation to assert its raw dominance in the world; it's quite another to suggest, as this president does, that the success of American military and foreign policy is connected to a religiously inspired "mission," and even that his presidency may be a divine appointment for a time such as this.

Many of the president's critics make the mistake of charging that his faith is insincere at best, a hypocrisy at worst, and mostly a political cover for his right-wing agenda. I don't doubt that George W. Bush's faith is sincere and deeply held. The real question is the content and meaning of that faith and how it impacts his administration's domestic and foreign policies.

George Bush reports a life-changing conversion around the age of 40 from being a nominal Christian to a born-again believer—a personal transformation that ended his drinking problems, solidified his family life, and gave him a sense of direction. He changed his denominational affiliation from his parents' Episcopal faith to his wife's Methodism. Bush's personal faith helped prompt his interest in promoting his "compassionate conservatism" and the faith-based initiative as part of his new administration.

The real theological question about George W. Bush was whether he would make a pilgrimage from being essentially a self-help Methodist to a social reform Methodist. God had changed his life in real ways, but would his faith deepen to embrace the social activism of John Wesley, the founder of Methodism, who said poverty was not only a matter of personal choices but also of social oppression and injustice? Would Bush's God of the 12-step program also become the God who required social justice and challenged the status quo of the wealthy and powerful, the God of whom the biblical prophets spoke?

Then came Sept. 11, 2001. Bush's compassionate conservatism and faith-based initiative rapidly gave way to his newfound vocation as the commander-in-chief of the "war against terrorism." Close friends say that after 9/11 Bush found "his mission in life." The self-help Methodist slowly became a messianic Calvinist promoting America's mission to "rid the world of evil." The Bush theology was undergoing a critical transformation.

In an October 2000 presidential debate, candidate Bush warned against an over-active American foreign policy and the negative reception it would receive around the world. Bush cautioned restraint. "If we are an arrogant nation, they will resent us," he said. "If we're a humble nation, but strong, they'll welcome us."

The president has come a long way since then. His administration has launched a new doctrine of pre-emptive war, has fought two wars (in Afghanistan and Iraq), and now issues regular demands and threats against other potential enemies. After Sept. 11, nations around the world responded to America's pain—even the French newspaper Le Monde carried the headline "We are all Americans now." But the new pre-emptive and—most critically—unilateral foreign policy America now pursues has squandered much of that international support.

The Bush policy has become one of potentially endless wars abroad and a domestic agenda that mostly consists of tax cuts, primarily for the rich. "Bush promised us a foreign policy of humility and a domestic policy of compassion," Joe Klein wrote in Time magazine. "He has given us a foreign policy of arrogance and a domestic policy that is cynical, myopic, and cruel." What happened?

A Mission and an Appointment

Former Bush speechwriter David Frum says of the president, "War had made him…a crusader after all." At the outset of the war in Iraq, George Bush entreated, "God bless our troops." In his State of the Union speech, he vowed that America would lead the war against terrorism "because this call of history has come to the right country." Bush's autobiography is titled A Charge to Keep, which is a quote from his favorite hymn.

In Frum's book The Right Man, he recounts a conversation between the president and his top speechwriter, Mike Gerson, a graduate of evangelical Wheaton College. After Bush's speech to Congress following the Sept. 11 attacks, Frum writes that Gerson called up his boss and said, "Mr. President, when I saw you on television, I thought—God wanted you there." According to Frum, the president replied, "He wants us all here, Gerson."

Bush has made numerous references to his belief that he could not be president if he did not believe in a "divine plan that supersedes all human plans." As he gained political power, Bush has increasingly seen his presidency as part of that divine plan. Richard Land, of the Southern Baptist Convention, recalls Bush once saying, "I believe God wants me to be president." After Sept. 11, Michael Duffy wrote in Time magazine, the president spoke of "being chosen by the grace of God to lead at that moment."

Every Christian hopes to find a vocation and calling that is faithful to Christ. But a president who believes that the nation is fulfilling a God-given righteous mission and that he serves with a divine appointment can become quite theologically unsettling. Theologian Martin Marty voices the concern of many when he says, "The problem isn't with Bush's sincerity, but with his evident conviction that he's doing God's will." As Christianity Today put it, "Some worry that Bush is confusing genuine faith with national ideology." The president's faith, wrote Klein, "does not give him pause or force him to reflect. It is a source of comfort and strength but not of wisdom."

The Bush theology deserves to be examined on biblical grounds. Is it really Christian, or merely American? Does it take a global view of God's world or just assert American nationalism in the latest update of "manifest destiny"? How does the rest of the world—and, more important, the rest of the church worldwide—view America's imperial ambitions?

Getting the Words Wrong

President Bush uses religious language more than any president in U.S. history, and some of his key speechwriters come right out of the evangelical community. Sometimes he draws on biblical language, other times old gospel hymns that cause deep resonance among the faithful in his own electoral base. The problem is that the quotes from the Bible and hymnals are too often either taken out of context or, worse yet, employed in ways quite different from their original meaning. For example, in the 2003 State of the Union, the president evoked an easily recognized and quite famous line from an old gospel hymn. Speaking of America's deepest problems, Bush said, "The need is great. Yet there's power, wonder-working power, in the goodness and idealism and faith of the American people." But that's not what the song is about. The hymn says there is "power, power, wonder-working power in the blood of the Lamb" (emphasis added). The hymn is about the power of Christ in salvation, not the power of "the American people," or any people, or any country. Bush's citation was a complete misuse.

On the first anniversary of the 2001 terrorist attacks, President Bush said at Ellis Island, "This ideal of America is the hope of all mankind…. That hope still lights our way. And the light shines in the darkness. And the darkness has not overcome it." Those last two sentences are straight out of John's gospel. But in the gospel the light shining in the darkness is the Word of God, and the light is the light of Christ. It's not about America and its values. Even his favorite hymn, "A Charge to Keep," speaks of that charge as "a God to glorify"—not to "do everything we can to protect the American homeland," as Bush has named our charge to keep.

Bush seems to make this mistake over and over again—confusing nation, church, and God. The resulting theology is more American civil religion than Christian faith.

The Problem of Evil

Since Sept. 11, President Bush has turned the White House "bully pulpit" into a pulpit indeed, replete with "calls" and "missions" and "charges to keep" regarding America's role in the world. George Bush is convinced that we are engaged in a moral battle between good and evil, and that those who are not with us are on the wrong side in that divine confrontation.

But who is "we," and does no evil reside with "us"? The problem of evil is a classic one in Christian theology. Indeed, anyone who cannot see the real face of evil in the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, is suffering from a bad case of postmodern relativism. To fail to speak of evil in the world today is to engage in bad theology. But to speak of "they" being evil and "we" being good, to say that evil is all out there and that in the warfare between good and evil others are either with us or against us—that is also bad theology. Unfortunately, it has become the Bush theology.

After the Sept. 11 attacks, the White House carefully scripted the religious service in which the president declared war on terrorism from the pulpit of the National Cathedral. The president declared to the nation, "Our responsibility to history is already clear: to answer these attacks and rid the world of evil." With most every member of the Cabinet and the Congress present, along with the nation's religious leaders, it became a televised national liturgy affirming the divine character of the nation's new war against terrorism, ending triumphantly with the "Battle Hymn of the Republic." War against evil would confer moral legitimacy on the nation's foreign policy and even on a contested presidency.

What is most missing in the Bush theology is acknowledgement of the truth of this passage from the gospel of Matthew: "Why do you see the speck in your neighbor's eye, but do not notice the log in your own eye? Or how can you say to your neighbor, 'Let me take the speck out of your eye,' while the log is in your eye? You hypocrite, first take the log out of your own eye, and then you will see clearly to take the speck out of your neighbor's eye." A simplistic "we are right and they are wrong" theology rules out self-reflection and correction. It also covers over the crimes America has committed, which lead to widespread global resentment against us.

Theologian Reinhold Niebuhr wrote that every nation, political system, and politician falls short of God's justice, because we are all sinners. He specifically argued that even Adolf Hitler—to whom Saddam Hussein was often compared by Bush—did not embody absolute evil any more than the Allies represented absolute good. Niebuhr's sense of ambiguity and irony in history does not preclude action but counsels the recognition of limitations and prescribes both humility and self-reflection.

And what of Bush's tendency to go it alone, even against the expressed will of much of the world? A foreign government leader said to me at the beginning of the Iraq war, "The world is waiting to see if America will listen to the rest of us, or if we will all just have to listen to America." American unilateralism is not just bad political policy, it is bad theology as well. C.S. Lewis wrote that he supported democracy not because people were good, but rather because they often were not. Democracy provides a system of checks and balances against any human beings getting too much power. If that is true of nations, it must also be true of international relations. The vital questions of diplomacy, intervention, war, and peace are, in this theological view, best left to the collective judgment of many nations, not just one—especially not the richest and most powerful one.

In Christian theology, it is not nations that rid the world of evil—they are too often caught up in complicated webs of political power, economic interests, cultural clashes, and nationalist dreams. The confrontation with evil is a role reserved for God, and for the people of God when they faithfully exercise moral conscience. But God has not given the responsibility for overcoming evil to a nation-state, much less to a superpower with enormous wealth and particular national interests. To confuse the role of God with that of the American nation, as George Bush seems to do, is a serious theological error that some might say borders on idolatry or blasphemy.

It's easy to demonize the enemy and claim that we are on the side of God and good. But repentance is better. As the Christian Science Monitor put it, paraphrasing Alexander Solzhenitzyn. "The gospel, some evangelicals are quick to point out, teaches that the line separating good and evil runs not between nations, but inside every human heart."

A Better Way

The much-touted Religious Right is now a declining political factor in American life. The New York Times' Bill Keller recently observed, "Bombastic evangelical power brokers like Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson have aged into irrelevance, and now exist mainly as ludicrous foils." The real theological problem in America today is no longer the Religious Right but the nationalist religion of the Bush administration—one that confuses the identity of the nation with the church, and God's purposes with the mission of American empire.

America's foreign policy is more than pre-emptive, it is theologically presumptuous; not only unilateral, but dangerously messianic; not just arrogant, but bordering on the idolatrous and blasphemous. George Bush's personal faith has prompted a profound self-confidence in his "mission" to fight the "axis of evil," his "call" to be commander-in-chief in the war against terrorism, and his definition of America's "responsibility" to "defend the…hopes of all mankind." This is a dangerous mix of bad foreign policy and bad theology.

But the answer to bad theology is not secularism; it is, rather, good theology. It is not always wrong to invoke the name of God and the claims of religion in the public life of a nation, as some secularists say. Where would we be without the prophetic moral leadership of Martin Luther King Jr., Desmond Tutu, and Oscar Romero?

In our own American history, religion has been lifted up for public life in two very different ways. One invokes the name of God and faith in order to hold us accountable to God's intentions—to call us to justice, compassion, humility, repentance, and reconciliation. Abraham Lincoln, Thomas Jefferson, and Martin King perhaps best exemplify that way. Lincoln regularly used the language of scripture, but in a way that called both sides in the Civil War to contrition and repentance. Jefferson said famously, "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just."

The other way invokes God's blessing on our activities, agendas, and purposes. Many presidents and political leaders have used the language of religion like this, and George W. Bush is falling prey to that same temptation.

Christians should always live uneasily with empire, which constantly threatens to become idolatrous and substitute secular purposes for God's. As we reflect on our response to the American empire and what it stands for, a reflection on the early church and empire is instructive.

The book of Revelation, while written in apocalyptic language and imagery, is seen by most biblical expositors as a commentary on the Roman Empire, its domination of the world, and its persecution of the church. In Revelation 13, a "beast" and its power is described. Eugene Peterson's The Message puts it in vivid language: "The whole earth was agog, gaping at the Beast. They worshiped the Dragon who gave the Beast authority, and they worshiped the Beast, exclaiming: 'There's never been anything like the Beast! No one would dare to go to war with the Beast!' It held absolute sway over all tribes and peoples, tongues, and races." But the vision of John of Patmos also foresaw the defeat of the Beast. In Revelation 19, a white horse, with a rider whose "name is called The Word of God" and "King of kings and Lord of lords," captures the beast and its false prophet.

As with the early church, our response to an empire holding "absolute sway," against which "no one would dare to go to war," is the ancient confession of "Jesus is Lord." And to live in the promise that empires do not last, that the Word of God will ultimately survive the Pax Americana as it did the Pax Romana.

In the meantime, American Christians will have to make some difficult choices. Will we stand in solidarity with the worldwide church, the international body of Christ—or with our own American government? It's not a surprise to note that the global church does not generally support the foreign policy goals of the Bush administration—whether in Iraq, the Middle East, or the wider "war on terrorism." Only from inside some of our U.S. churches does one find religious voices consonant with the visions of American empire.

Once there was Rome; now there is a new Rome. Once there were barbarians; now there are many barbarians who are the Saddams of this world. And then there were the Christians who were loyal not to Rome, but to the kingdom of God. To whom will the Christians be loyal today?

Jim Wallis is editor-in-chief of Sojourners.

Hilaire Belloc

2003-08-23 05:45 | User Profile

Here's another good article about Bush's dangerous religion

** [url=http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/STA305A.html]http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/STA305A.html[/url]

Operation American Pharisee: Bush's War on Jesus Christ by John Stanton

"How terrible for you! You sail the seas and cross whole countries to win one convert and when you succeed, you make him twice as deserving of going to hell as you yourselves are." Jesus Christ, Son of Man, Son of God, Son of David

George Bush II fed the American public the most atrocious of lies when, during a presidential debate with Al Gore back in 2000, he indicated that Jesus Christ was his favorite philosopher. Quite the contrary as the world now knows. Bush's vengeful persona and his penchant for the spectacle in public office have been in contradistinction to all the teachings and actions of the Son of Man.

Were Christ to replay the last minutes of his life on the Cross in 2003 say, for example, on Capitol Hill, there's no doubt that George Bush II would be the first to take a lance and plunge it into Christ's body just as the Roman soldier did so long ago atop Golgotha. Viewed from the enlightened teachings of Christ and his many sacrifices, Bush II is a pitiful human being, a paper tiger leader, a sad figure, one that has sold his soul to devilish handlers for earthly gain.

"Every plant which my Father in heaven did not plant will be pulled up," according to Christ, via Saint Matthew, commenting on the Pharisees and their progeny, that being Bush and the NeoCons who lay claim to world leadership and the heavenly divine. "Do not worry about them!" said Jesus, "They are blind leaders, and when one blind man leads another one, they both fall into a ditch...It is much harder for a rich man to enter the Kingdom of God than for a camel to go through the eye of a needle...The Kingdom of God will be taken away from you and be given to a people who will produce the proper fruits..." There is hope after all.

False Profiteer The Gospel according to Saint Matthew is a beautiful piece of work documenting the fascinating observations and actions of Jesus Christ. In this short, inspiring work, the entire philosophy of the Son of David is set forth for all to read and act upon if they are up to the challenge. It is a philosophy of simplicity, honesty and forgiveness that requires those who follow it to sacrifice self and material desires for the sake of the universal common good.

This is the path that George Bush II and his militant-Christian Republican disciples claim to be following by daily invoking Christ's name and actions. For example, in the name of Christ and all he represents, Bush invaded Iraq. Bush sought divine guidance from the Son of Man in that action--as he does in every other--and claimed to be enlightened by him in his decision to go forth and conquer.

One would think that such a devotee of Christ's teachings would have placed the highest priority on protecting the Iraqi National Museum that contained information on Christ's lineage and the history of his times. As history has recorded, though, it was the Iraqi Oil Ministry that was heavily defended by Bush's legions, not the Iraqi National Museum that also housed a unique portion of the history of Muslim and Christian alike. That action speaks volumes about Bush's opportunistic dedication to Jesus Christ. Bush gladly sacrificed a warehouse full of insights into humanity and it's relationship with divinity to an unruly mob. Yet, a worthless building containing oil and gas extraction contracts between American firms and the government of Iraq was heavily defended by US troops.

To a degree unfathomable in American history, Bush--whom the media continue to claim is a devout Christian--presides over record setting unemployment and has applied the wrecking ball to social programs across the board in the United States. We the People are suffering. According to the Catholic Campaign ( www.usccb.org/cchd/povertyusa/tour2.htm ), "Nearly 33 million Americans have fallen into poverty - more people than a year ago, the highest number in years. What does it mean to the life of our nation to have so many people lost in a shadowy state of uncertainty and need?

It means, as Marx once said, each according to his own needs. In the Christian society Bush envisions, you are on your own. Pray hard. Work hard. Trust in Wall Street and corporate volunteerism. Trust the Pentagon. Pray you don't get laid off or sick. And what are American's suppose to do about this state of affairs. Well, pray, of course.

"On this National Day of Prayer, I encourage Americans to remember the words of St. Paul: "Do not be anxious about anything, but in everything, by prayer and petition, with thanksgiving, present your requests to God." The Congress, by Public Law 100-307, as amended, has called on our citizens to reaffirm the role of prayer in our society...by recognizing annually a "National Day of Prayer. NOW, THEREFORE, I, GEORGE W. BUSH, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim May 2, 2002, as a National Day of Prayer. I ask Americans to pray for God's protection, to express gratitude for our blessings, and to seek moral and spiritual renewal. I urge all our citizens to join in observing this day with appropriate programs, ceremonies, and activities."

Of course, Christ wasn't all that thrilled about those who have a religious chip on their shoulders or promoted such pompous affairs saying, "When you pray, do not be like the hypocrites. They love to stand up and pray in the synagogues and on the street corners so that everyone will see them...When you pray, go to the room and close the door...Don't use a lot of meaningless words."

Eliminate a Federal Program for Christ Meanwhile, up to $1 trillion dollars will be spent by US taxpayers to rebuild Iraq and make it a Bush Garden of Eden in the turbulent Middle-East/Persian Gulf region. Christ might applaud that. But what would he think about Bush's USA. Here in the States, American's are getting the Pontius Pilate treatment from Bush. Congressman Rahm Emanuel recently introduced the American Parity Act. Emanuel pointed out that over the last two years, 2.5 millions more Americans lost jobs, 5 million have no health care, and 2 million moved from the middle class into poverty. Bush plans to provide 13 million people in Iraq with health care, build one hospital in every city and provide maternity care for 100 percent of the population. Back in the USA, 42 million uninsured working Americans get nothing. The Iraqi's will receive books and supplies for 12,500 schools and will have 25,000 schools rebuilt or renovated. Back in the USA, 28,000 children will be eliminated from Head Start, no funds are allotted for school modernization, teacher quality programs are cut 10 percent, and 40 educational initiatives will be eliminated. Children, whether Iraqi or American, don't seem to mean too much to Bush.

"Remember, Jesus said, unless you change and become like children, you will never enter the kingdom of heaven. The greatest in the Kingdom of Heaven is the one who humbles himself and becomes like a child. If anyone should cause one of these little ones to turn away from his faith in me, it would be better for that man to have a large millstone tied around his neck and be drowned in the deep sea."

And it gets even better.

The Center for Defense Information ( www.cdi.org/budget/2004/discretionary.cfm ) reports that close to $3 trillion will be spent on Empire building--in other words, defense spending--over the next six years. Discretionary spending for defense will be close to $400 billion in fiscal year 2004. Education, Health and Housing for Americans are a paltry $55, $49 and $34 billion respectively. Under Bush's watch, CEO's in the military industrial complex have compensation packages that far exceed their civilian counterparts-- www.ufenet.org/press/2003/MoreBucksForBang_pr.html --or their warfighting counterparts. The soldier on the battlefield makes 577 times less than a defense contractor CEO who is paid to network at board meetings, lobby foreign and domestic governments, and attend social events and weapons exhibitions to sell more deadly products to friend and foe alike. These same defense contractors, like most corporations, refer to people as Human Capital and view them as little more than machine parts in the production process. Marx had a word or two about that too.

In Christ's name, social security, medicare, school lunch programs, veteran's benefits and pensions are all headed for the guillotine. Young and old will be sacrificed on the altar of caprice. Meanwhile, Bush is campaigning for a trillion dollars worth of tax cuts that will benefit the richest, is attempting to outlaw overtime hours and pay for American workers, and destroy the collective bargaining process in America. Bill Grieder-- www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20030512&s=greider --deftly outlines Bush's agenda on these matters.

"The movement's grand ambition--one can no longer say grandiose--is to roll back the twentieth century, quite literally. That is, defenestrate the federal government and reduce its scale and powers to a level well below what it was before the New Deal's centralization. With that accomplished, movement conservatives envision a restored society in which the prevailing values and power relationships resemble the America that existed around 1900, when William McKinley was President. Governing authority and resources are dispersed from Washington, returned to local levels and also to individuals and private institutions, most notably corporations and religious organizations. The primacy of private property rights is re-established over the shared public priorities expressed in government regulation. Above all, private wealth--both enterprises and individuals with higher incomes--are permanently insulated from the progressive claims of the graduated income tax."

Is it any wonder, then, that Bush and the NeoCons are quietly pushing Christ through federal regulations like the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 which allows religious organizations, with the help of the federal government, to ignore local land use controls?

In the end, it's clear that Bush is no follower of Jesus Christ and neither are the militant Christians in the USA. These American Pharisees cite Christ's teachings and actions to perform insufferable acts, but millions the world over see right through them. They even claim to have an open channel to Christ's father, God. Their actions are evidence enough that Christ and his father are just another prop in the staged affair that is the Bush presidency and the Right Revolution. As the Son of David once said about people like Bush, Cheney and the like, "You are like whitewashed tombs which look fine on the outside but are full of dead men's bones and rotten stuff on the inside. In the same way, on the outside you appear to everybody as good but inside you are full of hypocrisy and sins."

No. Bush is not the antichrist and does not even rise to the level of false prophet. He's a con artist among many and knows a good scam when he sees one. Even so, Jesus will forgive Bush and the rest of them. After all, Bush and his minions know not what they do.

John Stanton is a Jesuit educated Virginia based writer specializing in national security matters. Reach him at cioran123@yahoo.com **

Zoroaster

2003-08-23 12:41 | User Profile

To be sure, Clinton was a low-life BS artist, but he was a notch above the pimp or the pedophile, and certainly above the warmongering Bush, who hides his evil nature behind the goodness of Christ.

Makes one wonder what kind of monster ZOG will sic on America next.

-Z-