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Two Findley articles from ihr.org

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2004-05-18 21:01 | User Profile

Liberating America From Israel by Paul Findley

Nine-eleven would not have occurred if the U.S. government had refused to help Israel humiliate and destroy Palestinian society. Few express this conclusion publicly, but many believe it is the truth. I believe the catastrophe could have been prevented if any U.S. president during the past 35 years had had the courage and wisdom to suspend all U.S. aid until Israel withdrew from the Arab land seized in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.

The U.S. lobby for Israel is powerful and intimidating, but any determined president — even President Bush this very day — could prevail and win overwhelming public support for the suspension of aid by laying these facts before the American people:

Israel’s present government, like its predecessors, is determined to annex the West Bank — biblical Judea and Sumaria — so Israel will become Greater Israel. Ultra-Orthodox Jews, who maintain a powerful role in Israeli politics, believe the Jewish Messiah will not come until Greater Israel is a reality. Although a minority in Israel, they are committed, aggressive, and influential. Because of deep religious conviction, they are determined to prevent Palestinians from gaining statehood on any part of the West Bank.

In its violent assaults on Palestinians, Israel uses the pretext of eradicating terrorism, but its forces are actually engaged advancing the territorial expansion just cited. Under the guise of anti-terrorism, Israeli forces treat Palestinians worse than cattle. With due process nowhere to be found, hundreds are detained for long periods and most are tortured. Some are assassinated. Homes, orchards, and business places are destroyed. Entire cities are kept under intermittent curfew, some confinements lasting for weeks. Injured or ill Palestinians needing emergency medical care are routinely held at checkpoints for an hour or more. Many children are undernourished. The West Bank and Gaza have become giant concentration camps. None of this could have occurred without U.S. support. Perhaps Israeli officials believe life will become so unbearable that most Palestinians will eventually leave their ancestral homes.

Once beloved worldwide, the U.S. government finds itself reviled in most countries because it provides unconditional support of Israeli violations of the United Nations Charter, international law, and the precepts of all major religious faiths.

How did the American people get into this fix?

Nine-eleven had its principal origin 35 years ago when Israel’s U.S. lobby began its unbroken success in stifling debate about the proper U.S. role in the Arab-Israeli conflict and effectively concealed from public awareness the fact that the U.S. government gives massive uncritical support to Israel.

Thanks to the suffocating influence of Israel’s U.S. lobby, open discussion of the Arab-Israeli conflict has been non-existent in our government all these years. I have firsthand knowledge, because I was a member of the House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee in June 1967 when Israeli military forces took control of the Golan Heights, a part of Syria, as well as the Palestinian West Bank and Gaza. I continued as a member for 16 years, and to this day maintain a close watch on Congress.

For 35 years, not a word has been expressed in that committee or in either chamber of Congress that deserves to be called debate on Middle East policy. No restrictive or limiting amendments on aid to Israel have been offered for 20 years, and none of the few offered in previous years received more than a handful of votes. On Capitol Hill, criticism of Israel, even in private conversation, is all but forbidden, treated as downright unpatriotic, if not anti-Semitic. The continued absence of free speech was assured when those few who spoke out — Senators Adlai Stevenson and Charles Percy, and Reps. Paul “Pete” McCloskey, Cynthia McKinney, Earl Hilliard, and myself — were defeated at the polls by candidates heavily financed by pro-Israel forces.

As a result, legislation dealing with the Middle East has been heavily biased in favor of Israel and against Palestinians and other Arabs year after year. Home constituencies, misled by news coverage equally lop-sided in Israel’s favor, remain largely unaware that Congress behaves as if it were a subcommittee of the Israeli parliament.

However, the bias is widely noted beyond America, where most news media candidly cover Israel’s conquest and generally excoriate America’s complicity and complacency. When President Bush welcomed Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, sometimes called the Butcher of Beirut, as “my dear friend” and “a man of peace” after Israeli forces, using U.S.-donated arms, completed their devastation of the West Bank last spring, worldwide anger against American policy reached the boiling point.

The fury should surprise no one who reads foreign newspapers or listens to BBC. In several televised statements long before 9/11, Osama bin Laden, believed by U.S. authorities to have masterminded 9/11, cited U.S. complicity in Israel’s destruction of Palestinian society as a principal complaint. Prominent foreigners, in and out of government, express their opposition to U.S. policies with unprecedented frequency and severity, especially since Bush announced his determination to make war against Iraq.

The lobby’s intimidation remains pervasive. It seems to reach every government center, and even houses of worship and revered institutions of higher learning. It is highly effective in silencing the many U.S. Jews who object to the lobby’s tactics and Israel’s brutality.

Nothing can justify 9/11. Those guilty deserve maximum punishment, but it makes sense for America to examine motivations promptly and as carefully as possible. Terrorism almost always arises from deeply-felt grievances. If they can be eradicated or eased, terrorist passions are certain to subside.

Today, a year after 9/11, President Bush has made no attempt to redress grievances, or even to identify them. In fact, he has made the scene far worse by supporting Israel’s religious war against Palestinians, an alliance that has intensified anti-American anger. He seems oblivious to the fact that nearly two billion people worldwide regard the plight of Palestinians as today’s most important foreign-policy challenge.

No one in authority will admit a calamitous reality that is skillfully shielded from the American people but clearly recognized by most of the world: America suffered 9/11 and its aftermath and may soon be at war with Iraq, mainly because U.S. policy in the Middle East is made in Israel, not in Washington.

Israel is a scofflaw nation and should be treated as such. Instead of helping Sharon intensify Palestinian misery, our president should suspend all aid until Israel ends its occupation of Arab land Israel seized in 1967. The suspension would force Sharon’s compliance or lead to his removal from office, as the Israeli electorate will not tolerate a prime minister who is at odds with the White House.

If Bush needs an additional reason for doing the right thing, he can justify the suspension as a matter of military necessity, an essential step in winning international support for his war on terrorism. He can cite a worthy precedent. When President Abraham Lincoln issued the proclamation that freed only the slaves in states that were then in rebellion, he made the restriction because of “military necessity.” If Bush suspends U.S. aid, he will liberate all Americans from long years of bondage to Israel’s misdeeds.

This essay is distributed as a public service by the Institute for Historical Review. Founded in 1978, the IHR is recognized by the US Internal Revenue Service as a 501(c)(3) tax exempt, not-for-profit, educational and publishing enterprise. Donations to the IHR are tax deductible.

2017 1/03

About the author

Paul Findley, a U.S. Congressional Representative from Illinois 1961-83, is the author of three books related to the Middle East, including They Dare to Speak Out: People and Institutions Confront Israel’s Lobby (1985) and, most recently, Silent No More: Confronting America’s False Images of Islam. He resides in Jacksonville, Illinois. This essay was issued on Sept. 12, 2002.

May 2004 The Wise Course: Withdraw from Iraq By Paul Findley

Misguided by the arrogance of military power and a dangerous vision of imperial destiny, President George W. Bush and a compliant Congress have led America into a bloody abyss that gets deeper and bloodier with each passing day.

Their dreams of a flower-strewn path of Iraqi liberation have become a nightmare. U.S. forces are mired in a lethal struggle against powerful, resourceful insurgents. It is war, not liberation. Casualties blight many thousands of families on both sides, with no end in sight. Iraqi hostility to the U.S. occupation soars and so does anti-American fury worldwide. Photographs of barbaric U.S. torture and abuse of incarcerated Iraqis will long burn in the memories of many millions. Never before has America been viewed in such wretched ugliness.

President Bush's response to this plight is more troops, preferably from other countries. It will only deepen the misery. We learned in Vietnam that more foreign military firepower will increase insurgency, not quell it. Bush misreads the militancy as the work of remnants of the Saddam regime and newly arrived troublemakers from Al Queda. It fact, it is motivated mainly by broad Iraqi fear that the United States plans to control Iraq far into the future. Here are questions that trouble Iraqis:

— Why has Washington established a super-embassy in Iraq with a staff of 3,000, the largest diplomatic mission in world history? Is it designed to influence future Iraqi governmental activity?

— How long will U.S. troops remain in Iraq? Will U.S. military bases there ever be dismantled?

— When will reconstruction work be turned over to Iraqi contractors and employees?

— How can Iraqis believe Bush's promise of independence and freedom while he helps Israel deny these same rights in neighboring Palestine?

Israel has long manipulated U.S. policy in the Middle East and already advises U.S. forces on how to organize the occupation. Consequently, Iraqis fear Israel will be the real power in fashioning U.S. policy in Iraq during the interim period that starts July l and will remain dominant even after Iraqi citizens directly elect a government. A recent major survey by CNN-USA Today reports that Iraqis fear becoming "another Palestine."

The remedy to this dreadful mess is a clear U.S. decision, announced immediately, to exit Iraq. President Bush must face down Israeli opposition and announce that, within weeks after the inauguration of the new directly-elected government, probably in early January, a full U.S. withdrawal will occur.

His announcement must state that all U.S. military forces and any abnormal U.S. diplomatic bureaucracy will depart, except for those the new Iraqi government may ask to remain. Beyond any such exceptions, all U.S. military bases will be dismantled, all U.S. construction and maintenance contracts will be terminated, and all future U.S. aid to Iraq will handled through the U.S. Agency for International Development.

If Bush acts, his announcement will be applauded except by the Israeli government. In America, all citizens will know that the costly mess in Iraq will soon end. In Iraq, with the U.S. exit assured, insurgency will surely diminish and casualties may even end. Attention will shift to approving a constitution and electing a truly independent Iraqi government.

Worldwide anti-American passion will subside, because the announcement will be read as a significant departure, not just from Iraq, but from the war-making doctrines announced by the Bush administration after the 9/11 catastrophe. It will also signal the end of Bush's dreams of empire in the Middle East and be a significant expression of America's confidence in the ability of the Iraqis to manage their own affairs.

When the U.S. exit is completed, Americans and Iraqis alike will be able to give full attention to mending the awful wounds of an awful war.