NPU members line up for early morning training in Iraq. Jeff Gardner,
Picture Christians Project
SOLI's training program was "secret," VanDyke says, "and it actually remained that way for December, January, and February." He says it was important to keep the program under wraps for safety reasons, since the Islamic State's stronghold in Mosul was less than 25 miles away from its training camp. According to VanDyke, he ultimately revealed the existence of the training effort—though not the location of where it was happening—because he was running out of money and needed to solicit funds to keep the project going.
During the first month of the program, VanDyke says, the State Department had no idea his training operation existed. He eventually met with State Department officials at the consulate in Erbil to explain what he was doing. "When we went to the State Department and told them we'd been in country over a month training this force, it was a surprise to them," he notes. "Essentially we were running a covert camp."
"When we went to the State Department and told them we'd been in country over a month training this force, it was a surprise to them," he notes. "Essentially we were running a covert camp. Nobody was sanctioning it."
VanDyke says the State Department officials he met with responded positively to his training effort: "They encouraged us to continue working with NPU leadership."
But a State Department official says, "We have checked with State Department personnel at our Consulate in Erbil and they have conveyed no such" approval of VanDyke's training program.
In interviews with
Mother Jones
, VanDyke repeatedly said the State Department was initially unaware of his training efforts. He subsequently stated in an email that "Sons of Liberty International complied with US registration requirements prior to signing a contract with the Nineveh Plain Protection Units (NPU), as required by U.S. law." The State Department's Directorate of Defense Trade Controls—with which all US-based military and security firms planning to provide services overseas must register—does not make public its registrants. But according to that office, approved registrants receive a certification form that they are free to share. VanDyke did not respond to a request to provide this documentation.
David Ellison, an arms-trafficking-law expert and consultant, said the penalties for providing military training to foreigners without State Department approval can be harsh, including millions of dollars in fines and possible criminal prosecution. "This all sounds very bad," Ellison says of VanDkye's training program. Scott Gearity, an expert on the Arms Export and Control Act at BSG Consulting, says that VanDyke's activities might pose a problem: "This doesn't seem like a very ambiguous case."
In the past, the Justice Department has aggressively prosecuted military contractors who violate the Export and Control Act. One high-profile case involved the infamous military contractor Blackwater, which in 2010 was
forced
to pay the US government $42 million for violations that included offering "defense services" to the government of the Sudan "without first having obtained a license from the US Department of State," according to an FBI press release on the settlement. As part of this case, Blackwater was charged with illegally providing training to Canadian law enforcement and military personnel.
Soon after Christmas in 2014, the initial group of 25 NPU recruits graduated from SOLI's training program, and VanDyke returned to the United States to fundraise. Cunningham stayed behind to train the next class of recruits. The NPU had received hundreds of applications from Iraqi Christians eager to receive military training, and it chose 350 to participate in the next session. To accommodate this larger class, the Kurds gave VanDyke use of a former US base known as the Manila Training Center.
Because this contingent would be far too large for Cunningham to train on his own, he and VanDyke agreed that he would recruit a few friends—all of them US military veterans with experience in the Middle East—to join him in Iraq. The men would be unpaid. "They were volunteers, and they knew they were volunteers from the start," VanDyke says. "We were going to try to fundraise, and if we fundraised, we had maybe the possibility of paying trainers in the future. But none of these guys came over expecting payment and wanting payment…The entire point of SOLI was to be all-volunteer."
The NPU throws a surprise birthday party for Michael Cunningham in Iraq. Michael Cunningham
According to Cunningham and two of the trainers he recruited, they were each under the impression that VanDyke was trying to raise money to pay them. "I put off signing up for school for this," says Miguel Gutierrez, a former Army corporal, who also appeared in
Restrepo
. "I got hopes and dreams. I didn't get paid."
By mid-January, with the second training program underway, Cunningham and the other trainers grew increasingly worried that they might be operating in Iraq illegally. Cunningham was concerned enough that when it was time to provide firearms training to the NPU recruits, he brought in members of the Kurdish military to teach them how to shoot. (In an interview, VanDyke dismissed the concerns of SOLI's trainers: "They perhaps were worried about getting in trouble when they came back for what they had done, which is ridiculous.")
In late January, the American Mesopotamian Organization's Gardner visited Iraq to check on the NPU's progress. He was also curious to find out more about VanDyke.
When Gardner visited the Manila Training Center, VanDyke was still in the United States. But Gardner did meet Cunningham and the other SOLI trainers, who unloaded on VanDyke. "They told me, 'We cannot work with this guy,'" Gardner recalls. The trainers complained that VanDyke's operation was disorganized, unprofessional—and possibly illegal.
Based on Gardner's conversations with the trainers and others at the training camp, the AMO urged the NPU to cut its ties with VanDyke. The militia's leaders agreed to do so after SOLI's second training program ended in early February, according to Gardner.
By mid-February, Cunningham and the three trainers he'd recruited quit. Cunningham says he delivered the news to VanDyke in a phone call, telling him, "I don't want to work with you; I can't work with you." According to Cunningham, VanDyke told him he had "fucked up real bad" for quitting. In a subsequent conversation, Cunningham claims, VanDyke made a loosely veiled threat: "I'll never forget: He says, 'I met with my [Kurdish secret] police friend and I told him about the situation between you and me, and he wanted to do something about it…You know [they] don't have the best human rights record. I tried to call it off.'" VanDyke denies threatening Cunningham and calls him a "disgruntled former associate."
On February 28—five days after VanDyke went on Greta Van Susteren's show to tout his effort to build a Christian militia—the NPU issued a press release stating that it was no longer working with him. "The rank and leadership of the NPU wishes to clarify that Mr. VanDyke and his company Sons of Liberty International are no longer being employed in any capacity by the Nineveh Plains Protection Units," the release noted, "and have not been since February 19, 2015."
Gevara Zaya, the NPU's military director, also sent a letter directly to VanDyke. "Your services are no longer being employed in any capacity," he wrote. "Please refrain from using any image, title, or reference to the Nineveh Plain Protection Units (NPU) in any capacity, commercial or otherwise." (VanDyke says he never received this letter.)
Gevara Zaya's letter to Matthew VanDyke
In an email interview, Zaya said that he was surprised and aggravated by VanDyke's media blitz. Though he was satisfied with SOLI's work at the training camp, Zaya noted, he believed that VanDyke was inflating his role with the NPU. "He was appearing in the media and spoke like he [was] our savior," Zaya wrote.
A few weeks later, in late April, Zaya sent a text message to
Mother Jones
to say that he wanted to revise his earlier comments about VanDyke: "While we were glad to have Matthew speak good about us…Matthew and us do not want people to think…he was a leader of NPU. [The] press release [was] to make clear that he is not a leader of NPU." Contrary to the NPU's press release and his letter to VanDyke, Zaya now said the NPU had never cut ties with VanDyke and that the NPU was considering a new training proposal from SOLI.
The AMO was dismayed that VanDyke was back in the picture, and continued to press NPU leaders to disassociate themselves from him. "The Assyrian people have suffered enough," Gardner says. "What they need are selfless men and women who have the skill and dedication to build a unified and peaceful future for all of Iraq's people. VanDyke's misadventures with a camcorder will likely have the opposite effect."
On May 11, VanDyke once again took to Facebook, this time to announce that he had launched a "leadership training" program for NPU sergeants and officers, led by a "former West Point instructor." He linked to a Sons of Liberty International
press release
, in which VanDyke was quoted saying, "The Christian community in Iraq has been pushed around for a long time, and it needs to stop. I have the right connections and experience to help."
Days later, SOLI issued another
press release
noting that VanDyke's training program had been cut short. VanDyke reported that his company had been barred access to the NPU's headquarters, where the training of NPU fighters was taking place. He blamed the AMO for this development. "The result is that SOLI cannot provide the NPU with additional free training or resources…at this time," VanDyke said in the press release. "Denying the NPU access to a training program before they are deployed against ISIS is unconscionable. It will likely result in the death of NPU soldiers."
Undeterred after his break with the NPU, VanDyke was meeting with other Christian forces in Iraq to pitch his services, according to the release. "SOLI looks forward to its next mission to support the Christian community of Iraq in their fight against ISIS," he said.